Responsibility
(author): Anderl, Christoph
Title
(eng): Studies in the Language of Zǔtáng jí 祖堂集
Details
(place)University of Oslo: (publisher), 2004
Identifier
ANDERL 2004B
Comments
This is the draft version, April 2004.
Information basis
CA
Electronic Version
Referred from
ACHIEVE: 取 (p.257-258)[processes (especially 'to realize; get to know', e.g. 會，覺，識，了，驗，體，記，看) and speech acts (e.g. 道，說，問). Other verbs include 擬 'to imitate', 行 'to practice', 覓 'to search for', 揀 'to choose', 試 'to try', 移 'to move'.
The meaning as complement is probably connected to the meaning as main verb 'to grasp' and by extension 'to perform an action fully'. Many verbs qu3 appears together with can be interpreted as process verbs, e.g. describing a mental process. Qu3 indicates that the process should be completed so that a desired result can be achieved. It is no coincidence that qu3 often appears in sentences including modal verbs indicating obligation, and other modal markers such as sentence final 去.
I think that qu3 does not primarily indicate a result but a 'desired result' and as such differs from suffix 卻....]ADDRESS: 向 (p.334-335)[ared in constructions in which the main verb expressed a speech act. In this pattern xia4ng marks the indirect object of the main verb, i.e. the person the speech act is directed towards (SHUISHUO, Tang poetry, BIANWEN). In ZTJ this function is very common and the coverb appears with a variety of words expressing speech acts, introducing direct speech. [fn. 981: That function of xia4ng stayed common until MM. However in late Ming and early Qing 了 was often attached to the coverb xia4ng, possibly an influence from a dialect (see Feng Chuntian 2000: 329).]
xia4ng 向 (COV.OBJ.SPEECH) + N.HUM + yu2n 云 (VTS) 'say to '
xia4ng 向 (COV.OBJ.SPEECH) + N.HUM + da4o 道 (VTS) 'tell'
xia4ng 向 (COV.OBJ.SPEECH) + N.HUM + yue1 曰 (VTS) 'say to'
xia4ng 向 (COV.OBJ.SPEECH) + N.HUM + shuo1 說 (VTS) 'speak to; tell'
xia4ng 向 (COV.OBJ.SPEECH) + N.HUM + we4n 問 (VTS) 'ask'
xia4ng 向 (COV.OBJ.SPEECH) + N.HUM + nia3n 拈 (VTS) 'cite (a problem/case) to'
This usage is certainly derived from the main verb xia4ng meaning 'turn towards; head into the direction of; etc.'. Thus it is sometimes tempting to interpret xia4ng as V1 in serial verb constructions with a V2 expressing a speech act, for example xia4ng zho4ng yu2n 向眾云: 'to turn towards/face the assembly and say'; however, there are examples which clearly reveal the coverbal character of xia4ng in these constructions. In the following example xia4ng has to be translated as a coverb:
751) ZTJ 1.115; WU: 72
“我向你道莫出家。”
wo3 xia4ng ni3 da4o mo4 chu1-jia1
NPRO1SG/COV.OBJ.SPEECH/NPRO2SG/speak/NEG.IMP/leave-home
"I tell you: Do not become a monk!"
Occasionally the coverbal object is deleted:
752) ZTJ 1.136; WU: 83
“忽逢修道人，
hu1 fe1ng xiu1-da4o re2n
SI.CONDif/meet/practice-way/person
"If one meets a person practicing the Way
第一莫向道。”
di4-yi1 mo4 xia4ng da4o
PREF.ORD/NUMone/NEG.IMP/COV.OBJ.SPEECH/speak
it is paramount not to talk to [him]."
753) ZTJ 1.086; WU: 54
過江了，向行者云：
guo4 jia1ng lia3o xia4ng xi2ng-zhe3 yu2n
cross/river/finish??/COV.OBJ.SPEECH/TITpostulant/speak
After they had crossed the River Jia1ng he said to the postulant:
Occasionally the word is also used in a postverbal position; however this usage is comparatively rare.
xia4ng 向 (PREP.OBJ.SPEECH):
754) ZTJ 1.068; WU: 42
讓和尚說向道一也。
Ra4ng he2-sha4ng shuo1 xia4ng Da4oyi1 ye3
NPR/TITpreceptor/teach(expound)/PREP.OBJ.SPEECH/NPR/SF
Preceptor Ra4ng is talking to/expounding to [Ma3zu3] Da4oyi1....]BE IN: 向 (p.335-338)[J.
A few examples of this particular function appeared already in the Six Dynasties period (e.g. SHISHUO). Occurrences became more frequent during the Tang (e.g. YOUXIANKU; Tang poetry; Bianwen). Usually in the preverbal position but occasionally also used in the postverbal position. This function was quite common until Ming times.983
755) ZTJ 1.108,06; WU: 66
向外覓功夫
xia4ng wa4i mi4 go1ng-fu1
COV.LOC/outside/seek/merit-?
If one seeks merit on the outside...
In ZTJ xia4ng is frequently used in correlation with relative place words/localizers (N.GR.LOC):
xia4ng 向 (COV.LOC) + N + qia2n 前 (N.GR.LOC) 'in front of N'
xia4ng 向 (COV.LOC) + N + li3 P (N.GR.LOC) 'inside N'
xia4ng 向 (COV.LOC) + N + sha4ng 上 (N.GR.LOC) 'on top of N'
756) ZTJ 1.120; WU: 74
師向地上劃作一字。
shi1 xia4ng di4 sha4ng hua4 zuo4 yi1 zi4
master/COV.LOC/ground/N.GR.LOCon top/paint-make/NUMone/chinese graph
The master painted the character '一' ('one') on the ground.
There are actually many cases where it is not easy to decide whether xia4ng is a main verb or a coverb. Look at the following sentence:
757) ZTJ 1.107,01; WU: 65
“向諸方學佛法去。”
xia4ng zhu1 fa1ng xue2 fo2-fa3 qu4
Main verb: "Head in all directions and study the teaching of Buddhism."
Coverb: "Go and study Buddhism in all directions."
This uncertainty is not surprising since the connection between coverbs and the main verbs they derive from is often gradual and transient. In addition the original main verb is often still common also after the emergence of the respective coverb (a typical example of layering of functions).
758) ZTJ 4.094; WU: 342
“者一隊漢，向這裡覓什摩？
zhe3 yi1 dui4 ha4n xia4ng zhe4-li3 mi4 shi2-mo2
NPRO.DEMthis/NUMone/group of/fellow/COV.LOC/NPRO.DEMthis-N.GR.LOC> here/seek/NPRO.QUESTwhat
"This bunch of fellows, what are they seeking here?"
759) ZTJ 2.034; WU: 130
“出去！莫向這裡痾！”
chu1-qu4 mo4 xia4ng zhe4-li3 e1
leave-V.COMP.DIR/NEG.IMP/COV.LOC/NPRO.DEMthis-N.GR.LOC>here/shit
"Get out! Do not shit at this place here?"
Occasionally xia4ng is used as a locative preposition, xia4ng 向 (PREP.LOC):
760) ZTJ 1.068; WU: 42
說向漢江濱。
shuo1 xia4ng Ha4n jia1ng bi1n
teach/PREP.LOC/NPR/river/shore
Teaching at the shores of the Ha4njia1ng River.
Occasionally xia4ng means 'within (a certain spatial range)':
761) ZTJ 2.057; WU: 142
“直須向萬里無寸草處立！”
zhi2-xu1 xia4ng wa4n li3 wu2 cu1n ca3o chu4 li4
INT-V.MOD.OBLshould/COV.LOC/NUMten thousand/mile/not exist/inch/grass/place/stand
"Within 10,000 miles there should not be an inch of grass to stand on!"
Unusual usages of coverb xia4ng 向:
With an abstract object:
762) ZTJ 1.106,07; WU: 65
“檀越因什摩向四威儀中見貧道？”"Why do you, the lay-supporter (daanapati), visit me in this formal way?"984
In the following example the main verb is hui4 會 'to understand':
763) ZTJ 5.043; WU: 395
長慶云：Cha2ngqi4ng said:
“若向兩頭會，"If you understand both sides (or: from both perspectives) [?]
盡不見趙州意。”than you do not understand Zha4ozho1u's intention at all."
Xia4ng indicates an abstract location (xi1n-to2u 'the mind'):
764) ZTJ 2.062; WU: 144
“猶將教意向心頭作病在。”"It is just like producing a sickness in the mind (i.e. mental sickness) through the the teaching [of Buddhism]." [?]
In the following example there is the construction xia4ng 向 + N + qia2n 前 (N.GR.LOC), however, shu1 書 'book' is not a concrete location and xia4ng is probably temporal. The translation below highly tentative:
765) ZTJ 5.092; WU: 423
書出語多虛，The words which emerge from the writings are often empty
虛中帶有無。and anmidst emptiness they bear existence and non-existence. [??]
卻向書前會，One should rather understand before [consulting] written documents [?]
放卻意中珠。and release the pearl in its meaning. [?]...]COMPLETE: 卻 (p.258-259)[ are:
fa4ng 放 'to release; let go', qi4 棄 'throw away', she3 捨 'remove'; shi1 失 'loose'; sha1o 燒 'burn'; li2 離 'to seperate; leave'; tuo1 脫 'to remove'; bo1 剝 'to peel'; ma2i 埋 'to bury'; chu2 除 'eliminate; get rid of'; hua4i 壞 'to destroy'; pa1o 拋 'to throw away; abandon'; chi1 喫 'to eat; drink'; tu3 吐 'to spit; vomit'; zhuo2 斫 'to chop off; cut'; hui4 諱 'to avoid'; wu1 污 'to stain; to defile'; ya3 啞 'to mute'; xia1 瞎 'to blind'; gua1n 關 'to shut; to lock'.
Most of the verbs belong to the semantic field V{remove} and que4 indicates that this removal is performed to its full, often resulting in the permanent removal, seperation from, or even destruction of the object. Often que4 also adds the notion that the object involved is beyond repair, i.e. the damaging affect on the object is permanent and not reversible.
546) ZTJ 5.111; WU: 437
“某甲自住此山，"Since I have lived on this mountain
未曾瞎卻一師僧眼。”I have never blinded the eyes of (i.e. deceived) a single monk."
547) ZTJ 5.104; WU: 431
“早是污卻也。”"It has already been defiled."
548) ZTJ 5.058; WU: 403
“除卻這個色，"After having removed this form,
還更有色也無？”is there an additional form?"
This is one of the rare examples where que4 follows a disyllabic verb (fa1-qia3n 發遣 'send away'):
549) ZTJ 5.061; WU: 404
行者隨童子到五祖處，The Postulant followed the child to the place of the Fifth Patriarch
五祖發遣卻童子後，and after the Fifth Patriarch had sent away the child
遂改盧行者名為慧能，he then changed the name of Postulant Lu2 to Hui4ne2ng,
授與衣缽，and bestowed the monk's robe and bowl [on him],
傳為六祖。giving him the transmission as Sixth Patriarch....]COPULA: 即 (p.475-477)[r to a copula, 'be the same as' in the
pattern VP(X) + ji2 即 (COP) + VP(Y):
ZTJ 1.106,01; WU: 64
“會即不會，
hui4 ji2 bu4 hui4
understand/COP?/NEG/understand
"To understand is the same as not to understand
疑即不疑。”
yi2 ji2 bu4 yi2
doubt/COP?/NEG/doubt
and to doubt is the same as not to doubt."
Pattern ji2 即 (COP) + NP(X) + ji2 即 (COP) + NP(Y) "NP(X) is the same as NP(Y)"
ZTJ 1.119; WU: 74
“即心即佛。”
ji2 xi1n ji2 fo2
COP/mind/COP/buddha
"This very mind is the Buddha."
Is there any difference of the phrase above to the phrase shi4 xi1n shi4 Fo2 是心是佛? (ZTJ 1.078; WU: 50)
Syntactically the following phrase is much clearer:
zi4 xi1n shi4 Fo2 自心是佛 "[one's] own mind is Buddha" (ZTJ 1.096; WU: 59)
The phrase has the pattern NP + COP + NP. To make the matter even more complicated there are also the following phrases:
即心是佛 "This very mind is the Buddha" (ZTJ 1.132; WU: 81)
此心即是佛心 "This mind [of yours] is the very Buddha-mind." (ZTJ 4.033; WU: 304)
Judging from the contexts of the above phrases, the meanings seem to be identical. It does not seem likely that the speaker/narrator wants to convey any subtle semantic differences by using these various constructions. The message is the same: one掇 own mind is nothing else than the mind of the Buddha (i.e. there is no need to search for an external Buddha). Are all those examples above merely cases of variatio?1276 The examples are semantically identical but syntactically different.
There are the following constructions:
NP + COP + NP (自心是佛)
NP + COP-COP + NP (此心即是佛心)
NPRO.DEM + NP + COP + NP (是心是佛)1277
But what about the phrase 即心是佛?
Ji2 is not common as demonstrative pronoun but the structure is identical to the phrase 是心是佛. One possible explanation for this phenomenon is that ji2 即, after having become commonly used as copula functioning similar to shi4, occasionally also filled other functions of shi4 (like the one of a demonstrative pronoun). Maybe this is a strange case of analogy. [However, there remain many questions (of course also the problem concerning the relationship between demonstrative shi4 and copula shi4) which cannot be treated here sufficiently. But I think that variatio probably plays an important role in the usage of different copula constructions. ]
Pattern ji2 即 (COP) + NP(X) + shi4 是 (COP) + NP(Y) 'NP(X) is the same as NP(Y)'
ZTJ 1.092; WU: 58
”今居韶州曹溪山， 'He now dwells at Mt. Ca2oxi1 in Sha2o province,
示悟眾生即心是佛。“ instructing and enlightening the living beings to the fact that the very mind is the Buddha.'
Pattern NP(X) + ji2 即 (COP) + NP(Y) + shi4 是 (COP) 'NP(X) is NP(Y)'
Here an interpretation of ji2 as conjuction preceding the subject is possible:
ZTJ 1.102; WU: 62
“欲識四祖， 'If you want to get to know the Fourth Patriarch -
即吾身是。”
ji2 wu2-she1n shi4
CONJ?/NPRO1SG/body/COP
that's who I am.'
However, the example below makes the above interpretation as conjunction doubtful because ji2 cannot be interpreted in this way in the following structurally identical example:
1134) ZTJ 4.085,06; WU: 335
“如何是佛？” "How is Buddha?"
馬師云： Master Ma3[zu3]4 said:
“即汝心是。” "He is nothing else than your mind/[He] is your very mind."...]DESIRE: 要 (p.426-427)ENDURING: 常住 (p.574, fn. 1574)[anent' refers to not being subject to birth and death, arising and being destructed. In Mahhaayaana Buddhism said of the dharma-body of the Tathaagata (ru2-la2i fa3-she1n 如來法身; see NIRVANA, fascile 34). According to the Da4-she4ng zhua1ng-ya2n ji1ng 大乘莊嚴經, fasc. 3, also his ba4o-she1n 報身 ('retribution-body' and his yi1ng-she1n 應身 are permanent. See also Fo2-xi4ng lu4n 佛性論 on the permanence of the three bodies (FOGUANG: 4524). In the Chinese context, the notion of permanence became very important with regard to fo2-xi4ng 佛性 'Buddha-nature' indentified with an innately pure mind (zi4-xi4ng qi1ng-ji4ng xi1n 自性清淨心), in the Cha2n school often referred to as zhe1n-xi1n 真心 ('True Mind') or wu2-xi1n 無心 ('No-mind'). See also the discussion in the QIXINLUN on yi1-xi1n 一心 ('One-mind') which was very influential for the notion of mind in East Asian Buddhism, especially the Cha2n school....]EXPLAIN: 代云 (p.564, fn.1508)[ances of 代曰; note that there are no occurrences of ＊代說...]FINAL PARTICLES: 來 (p.517-518)[hould be carried out for the sake of the speaker and it expresses the direct request to the addressee to carry out this action. It is actually often an action which could be carried out by the speaker himself but which is delegated to the addressee. Consequently la2i is usually used in dialogues by the person of higher rank. The person the action is carried out for, is sometimes marked by a coverb (usually by coverb yu3 與 which regularly appears in sentences expressing a request).1395 This usage is closely connected to the one discussed above: 'to come > to come for the purpose of VERBING > request to VERB for the speaker'. In this function I regard la2i as grammaticalized into a sentence final since the original meaning has faded away and it affects the whole proposition (changing it from a statement to a request).
In the following two examples the benefactor of the action is marked by yu3 與 (COV):
1251) ZTJ 1.116; WU: 72
“與老僧過淨瓶水來。”
yu3 la3o-se1ng guo4 ji4ng pi2ng shui3 la2i
COV.INDIR/NPRO1SG.SEMIold-monk/pass(hand over)/pure/CLASSbottle/water/SF.IMP(REQUEST)
"Hand me over a jar with fresh water."
1252) ZTJ 1.173; WU: 105
“汝與我擎缽盂來。”
ru3 yu3 wo3 qi2ng bo1-yu2 la2i
NPRO2SG/COV.BENEFACT/NPRO1SG/lift/alms bowl-jar/SF.IMP(REQUEST)
"Get the alms bowl for me."1396
Note that la2i is restricted in its function to indicate a direct request (imperative). The contents of the request must indicate something which is performed for the sake of the speaker. As such the original meaning of la2i is still present to a certain extent.
Note that la2i also has this function when it appears as part of the complex verbal complement jia1ng-la2i 將來 (V.COMP). In this construction jia1ng indicates the immanent future and la2i indicates that the action is directed towares the speaker and by extension a request:
1253) ZTJ 4.060; WU: 319
“併卻咽喉唇吻，"Closing your throught and your lips,
速道將來。”quickly speak up!"...]FINAL PARTICLES: 了也 (p.490-491)[on with semi-grammticalized lia3o 了. There have been numerous suggestions how lia3o ye3 了也 should be interpreted in this construction. I think that the sequence of those two markers should be interpreted along the line with their individual functions.
The typical function of lia3o 了 in ZTJ is to mark relative anteriority of a VP(X) to a VP(Y) in the pattern VP(X) + lia3o 了 + VP(Y). Lia3o indicates that an action is completed and ye3 expresses perfective, and indicating that the consequences of the action are still relevant at the moment of the speech act:
In the following example co-occurring with yi3 已:
1163) ZTJ 1.150; WU: 90
“你已是受戒了也，
ni3 yi3 shi4 sho4u jie4 lia3o ye3
NPRO2SG/ADV.TEMPalready/COP.EMPHASIS/receive/precept/V.GR.TEMPcomplete/SF.PERF
"You have already received the precepts
還聽律也無？”do you still obey to the disciplinary rules?"
In the sentence above the person has already received the set of precepts, i.e. the event of being ordained is completed and has occurred in the past. However, this event has consequences which are still relevant at the moment of the speech act, indicated by the question whether the person still obeys to the precepts.
1164) ZTJ 1.156,02; WU: 94
“何不問老僧？”"Why do you not ask me?"
僧曰： The monk said:
“問則問了也。”"I have already asked [you]."
1165) ZTJ 1.166; WU: 101
師曰： The master said:
“吃飯也未?”"Have you eaten?"
對曰：[The monk] answered:
“喫飯了也。”"I have [already] eaten."
In the next example co-occurring together with za3o 早 'already' which can function synonymous to yi3 已 in vernacular texts:
1166) ZTJ 1.173; WU: 105
雲嵒問：Yu2nya2n asked:
“一句子如何言說?”"How about expounding one sentence with words?"
師曰：The master said:
“非言說。”"There are no words to expound (express) [it]."
道吾曰：Da4owu2 said:
“早說了也。”"I have already expounded (expressed) [it]."...]FINAL PARTICLES: 在 (p.512-515, 537-539)[ za4i 在 (SF) is commonly used in the vernacular texts of the late Tang and Song periods. He thinks that it often expresses the speaker's conviction that an event will take place in the future. Simultanously it seems to give emphasis to the speaker's statement. Za4i appeared in this function during the Tang and early examples can also be found in Tang poetry. During The Five Dynasties and Song periods the sentence final became more common in vernacular texts like the Recorded Sayings of the Cha2n school and Neo-Confucianists. During the Yuan period it gradually decreased in frequency and had completely become obsolete by Ming times.
The original meaning of za4i 在 (VT) is 'to exist' and in this meaning it also regularly appeared at the end of a sentence. This probably was one of the preconditions for the development into a sentence final particle. During the Tang za4i at the end of the sentence began to be emptied of its original meaning and began to function as sentence final. It was suggested that in some examples it seems to function comparable to Modern Mandarin ne 呢 and li 哩.
2.3.2.3.5.2 PATTERNS WITH SENTENCE FINAL za4i 在
Typical pattern of sentences with za4i in ZTJ and the Recorded Sayings and are:
Pattern (a) yo3u 有 + NP(X) + za4i 在 'a certain NP(X) exists'
1233) ZTJ 1.102; WU: 62
“更有庵在。”"There is another cottage (small hermitage) there."
In this pattern zai4 still has its original meaning 'to exist'.
Pattern (b) we4i 未 + VP + za4i 在 (SF)
Za4i often appears in the pattern we4i 未 + VP + za4i 在. We4i 未 (NEG) originally means 'not yet' but in most examples it seems more appropriate to translate it with 'not', syn. to bu4 不. In sentences with adverbs of negation za4i seems to emphasize the fact that an action which should have been performed or was expected to be performed has actually not been performed after all.
1234) ZTJ 5.044; WU: 395
“去ㄐ未見老僧在ㄐ”
qu4 we4i jia4n la3o-se1ng za4i
leave/NEGnot yet/see>understand/NPRO1SG.SEMIold-monk/SF.EMPHASIS
"Leave! You have not understood me (yet)!"
1235) ZTJ 2.048; WU: 137
“這個人未出家在。”
zhe4-ge4 re2n we4i chu1-jia1 za4i
NPRO.DEMthis-CLASS/person/NEGnot yet/leave-family/SF.EMPHASIS
"This person has not yet left home (yet) (i.e. is not a real monk)!"
1236) ZTJ 4.114; WU: 354
師云：The master said:
“某甲未喫茶在。”"I have not drunk tea yet."
1237) ZTJ 2.120; WU: 174
“雖則如此，有人未許專甲在。”
sui1-ze2 ru2 ci3 yo3u re2n we4i xu3 zhua1n-jia3 za4i
SI.CONSalthough/be like/NPRO/exist/person/NEG/allow/NPRO1SF/SF.EMPHASIS
"Although it is like this, there is a person who does not allow [it] to me."
Pattern (c) VP + za4i 在 (SF)
In the following examples za4i gives emphasis to the statement, za4i 在 (SF.EMPHASIS):
1238) ZTJ 1.111,09; WU: 70
“猶持瓦礫在。”
yo2u chi2 wa3-li4 za4i
be like/hold/tile-gravel/SF.EMPHASIS
"This is like holding rubble."
1239) ZTJ 5.138,05; WU: 450
“向後有多口阿師與你點破在。”
xia4ng-ho4u yo3u duo1-ko3u a1-shi1 yu3 ni3 dia3n-po4 za4i
afterwards/exist/many-word>garrulous/PREF-master/COV.OBJ.INDIR/expose-break/SF.EMPHASIS?
"Afterwards there will be a garrulous monk who will expose you."
Pattern (d) Constructions with multiple sentence finals: za4i often co-appears with sentence final qu4 去 and za4i is always postposed to qu4.
1240) ZTJ 5.138,05; WU: 450
“長老與摩識弁人，"You elder are such an eloquent person,
瞎卻鎮州城裡人眼去在。”you are going to blind the eyes of the people of Zhe1nzho1u city."
1241) ZTJ 2.092; WU: 160
“每日在長連床上，"Everyday [sitting] on the long meditation platform
恰似漆村里土地相似！it just resembles adding earth in the village!
他時後日，on day in the future
魔魅人家男女去在！”you will deceive (bewitch) the men and women of the families!"
1242) ZTJ 5.052; WU: 400
“但得其本，"Just [try to] attain the origin [of the mind]
不愁其末。not worrying about its perphery (lit. branches).
他時後日，[Then] one day in the future
自具足去在。”by itself it will suffice."
In this pattern sentence final qu4 去 marks that the event is going to take place in the future and za4i 在 gives emphasis to the statement. Combined the two sentence finals mark the speaker's conviction that an event/action certainly will take place in the future.
As mentioned above the original meaning of za4i is to 'to exist' and it was often used in patterns with localizers (N.GR.LOC):
za4i 在 + NP + zho1ng 中 (N.GR.LOC)
za4i 在 + NP + sha4ng 上 (N.GR.LOC)
za4i 在 + NP + li3 P (N.GR.LOC)
1243) ZTJ 3.095; WU: 250
“老僧在你肚P。”
la3o-se1ng za4i ni3 du4 li3
NPRO1SG.SEMIold-monk/be in(exist in)/NPRO2SG/stomack/N.GR.LOCinside
"I am in your stomach (belly)."
In phrases with za4i...li3 the NP was frequently deleted and the phrase was contracted to za4i li3 在裡, used at the end of the sentence.
1244) ZTJ 2.040; WU: 133
“若与摩和尚來時，"If that's the case then, when the Preceptor comes,
莫向他說納僧在裡。”don't tell him that there is a monk here."
li3 裡 also appears in the form li3-xu3 裡許:1386
1245) ZTJ 3.111; WU: 262
師云：“曹山在裡許。”
shi1 yu2n Ca2osha1n za4i li3-xu3
master/say/NPR/be at/N.GR.LOC-SUFF
The master said: "Ca2osha1n is inside."
In ZTJ 在裡 is still used in its original meaning, expressing the location of a certain object but during Song times this construction was emptied of its original meaning. Originally a NP had to be placed inbetween za4i and li3 but from Song times onwards also a VP could be inserted between the two elements. Thus the construction did not express any longer a location but began to function as sentence final construction giving emphasis to an utterance (SUN XIXIN 1999: 91).
Also the construction with deleted object, za4i li3 在裡 underwent a similar change and it was emptied of its original meaning. There seems to have occurred a shift from marking a concrete location to an abstract location (such as a proposition/speech act).
One reason for this development possibly is the following: During the Tang and Five Dynasties periods both za4i and li3 were already used as sentence finals independently and in the course of time za4i li3 began to be interpreted as sentence finals in a sequence.
Interestingly, also the construction za4i zhe4-li3 在這裡 underwent a similar development. In Song texts it usually still has its literaty meaning 'be here' (WUDENG) but in some sentences it already seems to have the function of giving emphasis to a statement (e.g. in ZHUZI). During the Yuan and Ming periods it clearly could function as sentence final affirming a statement (SUN XIXIN 1999: 92 and YU GUANGZHONG 1986 who analyzes the construction in SHUIHUZHUAN).
The frequency of sentence final za4i it ZTJ is quite high (F: > 50) and as such it is one of the most frequently used vernacular sentence finals in ZTJ. Many of the examples of za4i appear in a derogatory context, and the phrases it appears in often express a notion of despise. As a consequence, in dialogues it is usually used by the person relatively higher in rank (i.e. the master).
An analysis of za4i in ZTJ shows that it does not function to indicate an event in the future or the speaker's conviction that an event/action will take place in the future. This function seems rather to be indicated by qu4 去 which often appears together with za4i. The primary function of za4i is the adding of emphasis of a statetment, and the function probably derived from its original meaning 'exist > that's how it is'; in its original meaning it indicates a concrete location whereas as sentence final it marks and gives emphasis to an abstract location, such as the proposition of the speech act....]GIVE: 似 (p.320-324)[d Song periods the preposition si4 似 is attached between transitive verbs and their objects.931 The number of these verbs is quite restricted.
There are three semantic groups of the main verb: (JIANG LANSHENG 2001: 266)
(a) V{give}, V{send}: e.g. so4ng 送 'to send', ji4 寄 'to send', we3i 委 'to entrust; delegate to', fe1n 分 'distribute to'
(b) V{speak}: e.g. ju3 舉 (VTT) 'cite; bring up something to somebody', shuo1 說 'to speak to', hua4 話 'to speak to'
(c) V{show/guide}: Verbs expressing 'to guide; to show; to reveal'; e.g. zhi3 指 'indicate/show something to somebody', xia4n 現 'reveal something to somebody'.
The object after si4 似 is usually indirect but there are also rare occurrences of a direct object (which makes a clear analysis of this preposition difficult). Only one object can follow the preposition.
There are several syntactic patterns in constructions with the preposition si4.
If the verb has two objects the direct object has to be 'disposed of' (with ba3 or jia1ng). The object after si4 can also function as a pivot and be the subject of a succeeding verb. Only rarely can the object after si4 be deleted. (JIANG LANSHENG 2001: 269)
According to Jiang Lansheng the meaning/function of si4 differs according to the verb it is attached to:
(1) Corresponding to preposition yu3 與 (with verbs meaning 'to give'. In this case si4 also preserves some of its original meaning 'to give' while at the same time it introduces the recipient of the act of giving.
(2) Corresponding to prepositions xia4ng 向 and dui4 對 with verbs indicating a speech act or expressing 'to show; to reveal' (however in the same function xia4ng and dui4 are preverbal!). In this usage Jiang Lansheng regards si4 as more grammaticalized since it is emptied of its original meaning.
(3.1) Occasionally V + si4 is followed by yu2 於 (PREP.OBJ.INDIR) or yu3 與 (PREP.OBJ.INDIR). In this case Jiang Lansheng regards si4 as a verbal suffix and not as a preposition. (only two examples of this usage in ZTJ)
709) ZTJ 3.057; WU: 229
“如何舉似於人？”
ru2-he2 ju3-si4 yu2 re2n
NPRO.QUESTlike what/cite/V.SUFF/PREP/person
"How shall [one] cite this to people?"
However, the interpretation as a disyllabic preposition is also possible.
(3.2) V + si4 is not followed by an object but by the verb we4i 謂 'to address'. Also in this pattern Jiang Lansheng does not regard si4 as a preposition. [fn. 935: Jiang Lansheng 2001: 27 gives two examples from He4-li2n yu4 lu4 鶴林玉露: 趙李仁舉似謂余曰：“此非論脈，乃是論學。”(jua4n 2) 公嘗舉似所作絕句示學者云。。。(jua4n 6)]
(3.3) Also in the following example Jiang Lansheng regards si4 as a verbal suffix and the following noun a direct object 說似一物 saying a thing:
710) ZTJ 1.143; WU: 87
祖曰：The Patriarch said:
“什摩物與摩來?”"Which thing/being comes like that?"
對曰：[He] answered:
“說似一物即不中。” 936
I think that si4 in the above example is a main verb and the sentence should be translated: 'Saying it resembles a thing (being) won't be appropriate'.
The other example cited by Jiang is also no illustration for si4 being followed by a direct object:
711) ZTJ 2.110; WU: 169
師示眾云：The master instructed the assembly, saying:
“明鏡相似，"It resembles a bright mirror;
胡來胡現，if a barbarian comes, a barbarian appears [in the mirror]
漢來漢現。”if a Chinese comes, a Chinese appears [in the mirror]."937
有人舉似玄沙，There was a person citing this to Xua2nsha1
玄沙云：and Xua2nsha1 said:
“明鏡來時作摩生？”"How about when a bright mirror comes?"
Here, the noun following si4 is clearly an indirect object (the NPR Xua2nsha1 玄沙). [fn. 938: However, Jiang Lansheng: 271 gives two examples where si4 seems to be a verbal suffix and not a preposition: 今日偶題題似著，不知題後更誰題 (杜荀鶴，題瓦棺寺真上人院矮檜寺) 空檐知與階何故，須把青苔滴穿。(楊萬里，三月三日雨作遣悶十絕句之三).]
Occasionally si4 is seperated from the main verb by the direct object and appear proposed to the indirect object:
V + OBJ.DIR + si4 似 + OBJ.INDIR [fn. 939: In this pattern it very much resembles yu3 與. Jiang cites two examples:...舉前話似之 ('cite the previous stament to him/them' 大慧普說) and 撒手似君無一物，徒勞漫說數千般。(CHUANXIN FAYAO).]
According to Jiang Lansheng si4 can function as the main verb meaning 'to give'; however, there are only few examples of this usage.940 Jiang thinks that this usage as a main verb was was triggered by the usage as a preposition in which it resembles the preposition yu3 與. This would be a 'reverse' process of grammaticalization, in which a function word develops into a full verb by analogy. The original meaning as a main verb is 'to resemble'. What kind of connection is there between yu3 and si4? According to Jiang yu3 also had the meaning ru2 如 'be like' (GUANGYA) and si4 also had the meaning ru2. Since both words shared this meaning si4 also eventually developed the meaning 'to give'. This process took a long time, from the Han to the Tang period. By the same mechanism the question word he2-si4 何似 developed (from he2-yu3 何與, he2-ru2 何如, he2-ruo4 何若).941 This kind of development can be regarded as some kind of analogy, in this case not a very long lasting one since si4 in the meaning 'to give' was only short-lived.
The usage of si4 似 in ZTJ:
In ZTJ si4 似 is commonly used as a main verb in the meaing 'to resemble':
[fn. 942: si4 似 'be like; resemble' there are a few examples where si4 is followed by PREP yu2 於 (si4-yu2 似於). In the pattern X + si4 似 + Y, X and Y can be NP or VP. If understood X can be deleted. Occasionally si4 似 (VT+V) has a verbal or sentential object (si4 似 VT+SENT) and in these cases can be translated with 'it seems that...' (ZTJ 4.090; WU: 338: “和尚太似不知。” "The preceptor really does not seem to know." ZTJ 1.167,09; WU: 102: “你從南岳來，似未見石頭曹溪心要耳。”"You come from Na2nyue4, it seems like you have not understood the mind-essential of Shi2to2u and Ca2oxi1." Si4 is also commonly used in the compound qia4-si4 恰似 (VT) 'be exactly like; be just like' often used in a rhetorical context and occasionally in the pattern qia4-si4 恰似 + X + xia1ng-si4 相似 'be exactly like X; be nothing else than X'.
ZTJ 5.058; WU: 403“什摩念經，恰似唱曲唱歌相似，得與摩不解念經。” "What about 'reciting the scripture', it is exactly like singing a drama or singing a song, if you do it like this you do not know how to recite the scriptures."]
712) ZTJ 3.088; WU: 246
此事似個什摩?
ci3 shi4 si4 ge4 shi2-mo2
NPRO.DEMthis/matter/resemble/CLASS-NPRO.QUESTwhat
"What does this matter resemble?
xia1ng-si4 相似 'be alike'. [fn. 943: Often in the pattern yo2u-ru2 猶如 + X + xia1ng-si4 相似 or ru2 如 + X + xia1ng-si4 相似 'resemble X; be like X' (X can be a VP or NP). Also used in the coverbal pattern X + yu3 與 (COV.OBJ.INDIR) + Y + xia1ng-si4 相似 偛 resembles Y; X is like Y'.]
713) ZTJ 2.049; WU: 138
“個個与他相似。”
ge4-ge4 yu3 ta1 xia1ng-si4
CLASS.REDUP>QUANT/COV.OBJ.INDIR/NPRO3SG/mutually-resemble
"Everything resembles it."
si4 似 (PREPOSITION)
In ZTJ the preposition si4 connects only three verbs to their indirect objects: ju3 舉 'to lift > to bring up; to cite'944, shuo1 說 'say; speak', and che2ng 呈 'to present; to submit (to a superior)'. [fn. 945: che2ng 呈 can also connect directly to the following object: ZTJ 1.084; WU: 54:“行者未知，第一座造偈呈師，。。。”"Does the postulant not know that the head monk made this stanza and presented it to the master,...". More often che2ng is followed by the direct object: ZTJ 3.144; WU: 284:“送書呈書了退身。”"Send the letter, and after submitting the letter withdraw/return." By far the highest frequency has ju3-si4 舉似 (F: 119!) [fn. 946: ju3 舉 is also used in its original meaning 'to lift; to rais' and as quantifier before nouns (ju3 舉 (QUANT) + N (X) 'the whole of N(X)' as in ju3 she1n 舉身 'the whole body'. Ju3 舉 in the meaning 'to bring up; to cite' can also be directly followed by an object. In the following examples it is followed by a direct object: ZTJ 1.129; WU: 78: 國師頓世後，帝乃詔耽源，舉此因緣，問： 'After the National master had suddenly departed from the world the emperor then summoned Da1nyua2n and cited this case to him, asking:'. ZTJ 2.019; WU: 121: 其僧舉兩三則因緣， 'The monk cited several cases' The object after ju3 can also be deleted: ZTJ 1.179; WU: 107: 真覺大師舉問玄晤大師：'Grand Master Zhe1njue2 cited [this] and asked Grand Master Xua2nwu4:' Occasionally the object of ju3 舉 (VT+SENT) can be a whole sentence: ZTJ 2.058; WU: 142: 師舉鹽官法會有一僧知有佛法，。。。 'the master brought up [the case] where in the dharma assembly of Ya2ngua1n there was a monk who knew the Buddha-dharma,...' Occasionally the indirect object is not introduced by PREP si4 but preposed and marked by COV yu3 與 ZTJ 2.064; WU: 145: “..請上座與某舉看。”"I ask you, the head monk, to try to cite [a case] to me." whereas si4 似 with the other two verbs is rather rare (see table). If ju3 舉 is directly followed by an object it is usually a direct object, rarely an indirect object. Indirect objects are regularly introduced by si4 似:
714) ZTJ 2.088; WU: 157
其僧卻歸，舉似師，師云：
qi2 se1ng que4-gui1 ju3-si4 shi1 shi1 yu2n
NPRO.DEMthis/monk/retreat-return/cite/PREP.OBJ.INDIR/master/master/say
The monk returned, cited this to the master and the master said:
There are only a few examples where ju3-si4 is followed by a direct object:
715) ZTJ 2.104; WU: 165
其僧卻歸雪峰，舉似前話。
qi2 se1ng que4-gui1 Xue3fe1ng ju3-si4 qia2n hua4
NPRO.DEMthis/monk/retreat-return/NPR/cite/PREP.OBJ.DIR/former/spech
The monk returned to Xue3fe1ng and cited [to him] the above speech/phrase.
In sentences with multiple objects the direct object can be 'disposed of', marked by chi2 持 (COV.DISP), jia1ng 將 (COV.DISP), or ba3 把 (COV.DISP):
716) ZTJ 2.106; WU: 167
翠嵒持師語舉似T山
Cui4ya2n chi2 shi1 yu3 ju3-si4 Ca4nsha1n
NPR/COV.DISP/master/word/cite/PREP.OBJ.INDIR/NPR
Cui4ya2n cited the words of the master to Ca4nsha1n.
Occasionally the object after ju3-si4 can be deleted. In contrast to Jiang Lansheng I do not think that in constructions V + si4 似 without the object si4 necessarily is a verbal suffix but that the object is deleted since it is easily understood from the context:
717) ZTJ 3.136,04; WU: 279
“莫錯舉似。”
mo4 cuo4 ju3-si4
NEG.IMP/ADVmistakenly/cite/PREP.OBJ?
"Do not cite [this/this to him] in a wrong way."
In the following example ju3-si4 is followed by yu2 於 (PREP.OBJ.INDIR):
718) ZTJ 4.008; WU: 290
“與摩則終不錯舉似於人。”
yu3-mo2 ze2 zho1ng bu4 cuo4 ju3-si4 yu2 re2n
be like/CONJthen/in the end/NEG/ADVfalsely/cite/-V.SUFF(PREP)?/RREP.OBJ.INDIR/person
"If it is like this in the end do not erroneously cite [this] to people."
In the following example the object is deleted:
719) ZTJ 2.017; WU: 120
有人舉問雲居：There was a person citing this to Yu2nju1:
“洞山與摩道，"Do4ngsha1n talking like this,
意作摩生？”what does he mean?"
居云：Ju1 said:
“說似也。”"I have already told [this to you]."
TABLE WITH FREQUENCIES SEE p.324...]HOW: 爭 (p.212-216)[ed in Tang poetry (glossed as 怎麼) and usually appears in rhetorical questions (see also SUN XIXIN 1997: 13). Zhe1ng is commonly used in preverbal position, usually right at the beginning of a phrase or sentence, rarely after the subject; zhe1ng appears also in in the main clause following after conditional clauses which are marked with sentence intitial ruo4 若 or logical marker ji4 既 (ADV) 'since'; zhe1ng sometimes also follows unmarked conditional subordinate clauses; note that the verb in the conditional clause is often negated and and the whole sentence often is transformed into a rhetorical question. The condition indicated in the subordinate clause has often hypothetical character.
The following patterns are common:
ruo4 若 (SI.COND) + (NEG +) VP(X) | zhe1ng 爭 (NPRO.QUEST) + VP(Y)628
ji4 既 (ADV) + (NEG +) VP(X) | zhe1ng 爭 (NPRO.QUEST) + VP(Y) (+ hu1 乎)
377) ZTJ 2.061; WU: 143
“若不到，爭知無人?”
ruo4 bu4 da4o zhe1ng zhi1 wu2 re2n
SI.CONDif/NEG/arrive/NPRO.QUEST.RHET/know/not exist/person
"If [you] have not been there how do know that there is no person there (i.e. you cannot possibly know that there is nobody there)?"
378) ZTJ 4.055,04; WU: 317
師云： The master said:
“吾無德，"I am without virtues,
爭合勞於人？”how could it be appropriate to be a burden for you
people (i.e. I certainly do not want to be a burden for you)?"
379) ZTJ 5.126; WU: 444
“若也不用真教，"If one does not apply the true teaching
愚爭成智人？”how could the ignorant become a wise person?"
In combination with sentence final hu1 乎 (SF.QUEST.RHET):
380) ZTJ 1.046; WU: 25
馬鳴曰：Ma3mi2ng said:
“佛既不識，"Since Buddha is not recognized (or: if Buddha does not recognize; or: if you do not recognize Budda) [??]
爭知是乎？”
zhe1ng zhi1 shi4 hu1
NPRO.QUEST.RHET/know/be right/SF.QUEST.RHET
how do [you] know that's right?"
VP(X) is the condition for VP(Y) but since the condition indicated by VP(X) is not fulfilled, VP(Y) is not likely to happen. The verb after zhe1ng often has the verbal complement (expressing capability) de2 得 (V.COMP.CAP) attached to it, sometimes also the modal verbs jie3 解 (V.MOD.CAP) and ke3 可 (V.MOD.CAP) 'can; be able to' follow after zhe1ng.629
The following patterns for forming rhetorical questions (expressing modality) are common:
Pattern zhe1ng 爭 (NPRO.QUEST.RHET) + de2 得 (V.MOD.CAP) + V (F: ca. 25 in ZTJ)
381) ZTJ 1.118; WU: 73
又代曰：He continued commenting on this, saying:
“若不與摩，"If it is not like this,
爭識得和尚？”how can you possibly recognize the Preceptor?"
382) ZTJ 2.083; WU: 155
師曰：The master said:
“此間無路，你爭得到這裡？”
ci3-jia1n wu2 lu4 ni3 zhe1ng de2 da4o zhe4-li3
NPRO.DEM.LOC/not exist/road/NPRO2SG/NPRO.QUEST.RHET/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/arrive/NPRO.DEM.LOC
'There is no road here, how were you able to arrive here?'
In the example above the question is not mererly a rhetorical one since the person actually has arrived at the speaker's place. However, zhe1ng does not neutrally inquire after the way the person arrived, but marks the speaker's surprise that something which he had assumed impossible indeed has happened.
383) ZTJ 5.054; WU: 401
“某甲不曾看經，爭得會？”
mo3u-jia3 bu4-ce2ng ka4n ji1ng zhe1ng-de2 hui4
NPRO1SG.HUMB/NEG-ADVin the past/read/scripture/NPRO.QUEST.RHET/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/understand
"I have never read the scriptures, how could I possibly understand?"
384) ZTJ 3.082; WU: 243
“聾人爭得聞?”
lo2ng re2n zhe1ng-de2 we2n
deaf/person/NPRO.QUEST.RHET/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/hear
"How could a deaf person [possibly] hear?"
385) ZTJ 3.111; WU: 263
師云： The master said:
“若不傳，爭得到今日？”"If it had not been transmitted how could it reach today (i.e. how could it survive until today)?"
Pattern zhe1ng 爭 (NPRO.QUEST.RHET) + jie3 解 (V.MOD.CAP) + V (F: ca.6 in ZTJ)
386) ZTJ 4.016; WU: 294
“若無眼，"If you do not have eyes,
爭解與摩判斷？”
zhe1ng jie3 yu3-mo2 pa4n-dua4n
NPRO.QUEST.RHET/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/like this/judge-decide
how can you judge like this?"
Pattern zhe1ng 爭 (NPRO.QUEST.RHET) + ne2ng 能 (V.MOD.CAP) + V
387) ZTJ 5.044; WU: 395
“老僧自疾不能救，
la3o-se1ng zi4 ji2 bu4 ne2ng jiu4
NPRO.SEMI2SG/own/sickenessNEG/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/cure
"Since you cannot cure your own sickness,
爭能救得諸人疾？”
zhe1ng ne2ng ji4u-de2 zhu1 re2n ji2
NPRO.QUEST.RHET/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/cure-V.COMP.CAP/QUANTall/people/ sickness
how can you cure the sickness of all people?"
Pattern zhe1ng 爭 + jie3 解 (V.MOD.CAP) + V + de2 (得 V.COMP.CAP)
In this pattern there is a multiple marking of capability (by a modal verb and a verb complement):
388) ZTJ 2.048; WU: 137
師曰：The master said:
“若無氣力，"If you had not any energy
爭解與摩道得？”
zhe1ng jie3 yu3-mo2 da4o-de2
NPRO.QUEST.RHET/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/like this/speak-V.COMP.CAP
how could you be able to talk like this?"
Pattern zhe1ng 爭 (NPRO.QUEST.RHET) + V + de2 得 (V.COMP.CAP)
389) ZTJ 2.067; WU: 146
僧曰：The master said:
“和尚病，爭看得他?”
he2-sha4ng bi4ng zhe1ng ka4n-de2 ta1
preceptor/be sick/NPRO.QUEST.RHET/see-V.COMP.CAP/NPRO3SG
涆he Preceptor is sick, how could [you] visit him?�
390) ZTJ 4.027; WU: 300
僧雲： The monk said:
“若不與摩問，"If [I] did not ask in this way,
爭委得當時事?”how could I get to know the matters of the contemporary [masters]?"
zhe1ng-na4i 爭奈 (see also SUN XIXIN 1997: 13)
Zhe1ng-na4i appears nearly exclusively in the pattern zhe1ng-na4i 爭奈 + X + he2 何.
X can be a NP or a VP.
391) ZTJ 4.009; WU: 290
“適來向和尚道什摩？”"What did you just say to the Preceptor?"
師云：The master said:
“爭奈這個何？”
zhe1ng-na4i zhe4-ge4 he2
NPRO.QUEST.RHET/NPRO.DEMthis/CLASS/NPRO.QUESTwhat
"Wasn't it this (it was certainly this)?"
392) ZTJ 3.001,01; WU: 195
”任你截斷天下人舌頭，"If you cut off the tongues of all people on earth (lit. under heaven)
爭奈無舌人解語何？“
zhe1ng-na4i wu2 she2 re2n jie3 yu3 he2
NPRO.QUEST.RHET/not have/tongue/person/V.MOD.CAPbe able to/speak/NPRO.QUESTwhat
how can people without a tongue possibly speak?"
There is one example without a final he2 何:
393) ZTJ 3.061; WU: 233
“盡乾坤是個解脫門。"The whole universe is the gate of liberation.
把手拽教伊入，Dragging him with the hands he demands him to enter, [?]
爭奈不肯入！”how could he not be willing to enter?"
zhe1ng-si4 爭似
There are two examples of zhe1ng-si4 in ZTJ which seem to appear in similar syntactic structures like those discussed above. I am unable to translate any of them properly therefore they are merely cited below for reasons of reference:
ZTJ 3.022; WU: 208
“塵中雖有隱形術，
爭似全身入帝鄉。”
ZTJ 3.006; WU: 197
“曉星分暑（∼曙？）色，
爭似大（∼太？）陽輝？”...]HOW: 豈 (p.236-238)[SI.QUEST.RHET) (F: ca.150)
Qi3 is the most important sentence initial in ZTJ indicating a rhetorical question. The main function of qi3 is to indicate the speaker掇 conviction concerning the invalidity of the proposition VP(X). In ZTJ there are a variety of patterns appearing in the dialogues. Constructions with qi3 and the interplay with rhetorical sentence finals are an important feature of the modal system of ZTJ.
Pattern (a) qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + NEG + VP (X)
This pattern gives emphasis to the VP(X) and indicates the speaker's conviction concerning the truth value of the proposition VP(X).
461) ZTJ 5.137,05; WU: 450
臨濟問師： Li2nji4 asked the master:
“十二面觀音， "Gua1nyi1n with twelve faces,
豈不是聖？” how can she not be a sage (i.e. she certainly is a sage)?"
In the following example a topicalized verbal phrase is preposed to qi3. The expected answer is negative.
462) ZTJ 1.073; WU: 46
“覓得豈是汝心？” "What one can find (lit. seek and attain), how could this be your mind (i.e. you certainly cannot find your mind)?"
463) ZTJ 1.109; WU: 67
“不朝天子， "I do not pay a formal visit to the Emperor,
豈羨王侯？” how could I be envious of the kings and feudal lords?"
Pattern (b) NP + qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + VP + ye2 耶 (SF.QUEST)
In this pattern the rhetorical question is marked by sentence intitial qi3 豈 and sentence final ye2 耶:
464) ZTJ 1.081; WU: 51
“汝既無心， "Since you are without mind (do not have a mind)
佛豈有心耶?” how could Buddha have a mind (i.e. he cannot possibly have a mind)?"
465) ZTJ 1.084; WU: 53
“世諦即有僧俗， "In the secular truth there are monks and lay persons,
道豈礙人耶？” but how can the Way (ie. the absolute truth) impede people?"
Pattern (c) NP (SUBJ) + qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + VP + hu1 乎 (SF.QUEST.RHET)
466) ZTJ 1.086; WU: 54
“法豈在衣乎？”
fa3 qi3 za4i yi1 hu1
dharma/SI.QUEST.RHET/exist in/garment/SF.QUEST.RHET
"How can the dharma be in the robe (i.e. it certainly is not symbolized by the robe)?"
In the following rhetorical question the VP is in addition emphasized by copula shi4 是 (COP.EMPHASIS):
467) ZTJ 1.123; WU: 76
“鳥是有情， "Birds are sentient beings,
水及樹豈是有情？”
shui3 ji2 shu4 qi3 shi4 yo3u-qi2ng hu1
water/CONJ/tree/SI.QUEST.RHET/COP.EMPHASIS/have-feeling/SF.QUEST.RHET
[but] water and trees - how could they be sentient (i.e. they are certainly not sentient)?"
Pattern (d) qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + VP + za1i 哉 (SF.QUEST.RHET)
468) ZTJ 1.091; WU: 57
“如來藏性， "The nature of the Tathaagatagarbha
遍於螻蟻， extends to insects,
豈獨於獦獠而無哉？”
SI.QUEST.RHET/ADVsolely/COV.LOC/NPR/CONJ/not have/SF.QUEST.RHET
how can it be that only the Ge2la3o (i.e. southern barbarians) do not possess [Buddha-nature]?"
Pattern (e) qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + VP + ye3 也 (SF.QUEST)
469) ZTJ 1.093; WU: 58
“由心悟道， "One enlightens to the truth through the mind,
豈在坐也？” how could it be based on sitting [meditation] (i.e. one cannot become enlightened through sitting in meditation)?"
Pattern (f) qi3-kua4ng 豈況 + VP + ye2 耶 (hu1 乎)
470) ZTJ 2.011; WU: 117
“吾說法尚自不聞， "Since you are not able to hear me expounding the dharma
ZTJ 2.012; WU: 117
豈況於無情說法乎？” how much less [are you able to hear] non-sentients expounding the dharma?"
Sentence initial qi3 frequently appears with negated verbal phrases. In contrast to qi3 with affirmative verbs, qi3 with negation implies a positive answer (i.e. the speaker is convinced of the validity of the proposition VP(X). There are a variety of negators appearing after qi3:
qi3 fe1i 豈非 (F: 9)
qi3 bu4 豈不 (F: 53)
qi3 wu2 豈無 (F: 10)
Pattern (g) qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + bu4 不 (NEG) + VP(X) (+ ye2 耶) (F: 53)
471) ZTJ 1.119; WU: 74
“豈不斷煩惱耶？”
qi3 bu4 dua4n fa2n-na3o ye2
SI.QUEST.RHET/NEG/cut off/TERMaffliction/SF.QUEST
"How can it be that one does not cut off afflictions (i.e. one certainly has to cut off afflictions)?"
Pattern qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + fe1i 非 (NEG) + VP(X) (F: 9)
472) ZTJ 1.120; WU: 74
三七是十， Three [plus] seven is ten,
喚作二十一， calling it twenty-one,
豈非弄貧道？”
qi3 fe1i no4ng pi2n-da4o
SI.QUEST.RHET/NEG/play with>mock/NPRO1SG.SEMI.HUMBpoor-way
is that not mocking me (i.e. that is certainly mocking me)?"
Pattern (h) qi3 豈 (SI.QUEST.RHET) + wu2 無 + NP(X)
473) ZTJ 1.125; WU: 76
“一切眾生居佛身上， "All sentient beings dwell on the Buddha-body;
便利穢污佛身， they urinate and shit [on it], soiling the Buddha-body,
穿鑿踐踏佛身， they drill holes in it and trample on it,
豈無罪乎？”
qi3 wu2 zui4 hu1
SI.QUEST.RHET/not have/guilt/SF.QUEST.RHET
how can they be without guilt (i.e. they necessarily are guilty)!"
There is one example where the constituent following qi3 wu2 is not a NP or nominalized VP but actually a VP. In this case wu2 無 (NEG) does not mean 'not have' but functions as adverb of negation along the line with bu4 不:
474) ZTJ 5.055; WU: 402
“豈無能知寔無一法可當情乎？” "How can you possibly not know that there truly is not a single dharma which corresponds to the faculties of perception (i.e. that no consitutent of existence (dharma) can be directly perceived by the corresponding sense organ)?"...]KNOW: 知有 (p.265)[examples and it probably should be defined as verbal suffix/structure word. In ZTJ there are also examples of yo3usi4 有似 'to resemble'; another example in vernacular literature is 有請 'to ask; request' (JIANG/CAO 1997:421)....]LEISURE: 無事 (p.589, fn. 1650)[here one does not engage in any special activity; this compound appears very frequently in Cha2n literature. In WUDENG it is used as an attribute of the enlightened person, similar to wu2-we2i 無為: 無為無事人; 佛是無事人 ('A person who does not willfully act and does not have any particular business, the Buddha is a person without any particular business.'[?]); LINJILU, ZZ. 118: 202a7-8: 師示眾云。道流。佛法無用功處。祇是平常無事。屙屎送尿著衣喫飯。困來即臥。愚人笑我。智乃知焉。('The master instructed the assembly, saying: [...][??] The Buddha-dharma is not a place of effort, it is only common/everyday-like and without any [special] business; shitting, pissing, wearing cloth and eating; when one gets tired one goes to sleep. The ignorant person laughs at me but the wise knows about this.')...]MERIT: 福田 (p.780, fn. 2851)[good deeds one prepares the ground (tia2n 田) for fruits (i.e. good circumstances) in the next life....]MODAL PARTICLES: 了也 (p.490-491)[on with semi-grammticalized lia3o 了. There have been numerous suggestions how lia3o ye3 了也 should be interpreted in this construction. I think that the sequence of those two markers should be interpreted along the line with their individual functions.
The typical function of lia3o 了 in ZTJ is to mark relative anteriority of a VP(X) to a VP(Y) in the pattern VP(X) + lia3o 了 + VP(Y). Lia3o indicates that an action is completed and ye3 expresses perfective, and indicating that the consequences of the action are still relevant at the moment of the speech act:
In the following example co-occurring with yi3 已:
1163) ZTJ 1.150; WU: 90
“你已是受戒了也，
ni3 yi3 shi4 sho4u jie4 lia3o ye3
NPRO2SG/ADV.TEMPalready/COP.EMPHASIS/receive/precept/V.GR.TEMPcomplete/SF.PERF
"You have already received the precepts
還聽律也無？”do you still obey to the disciplinary rules?"
In the sentence above the person has already received the set of precepts, i.e. the event of being ordained is completed and has occurred in the past. However, this event has consequences which are still relevant at the moment of the speech act, indicated by the question whether the person still obeys to the precepts.
1164) ZTJ 1.156,02; WU: 94
“何不問老僧？”"Why do you not ask me?"
僧曰： The monk said:
“問則問了也。”"I have already asked [you]."
1165) ZTJ 1.166; WU: 101
師曰： The master said:
“吃飯也未?”"Have you eaten?"
對曰：[The monk] answered:
“喫飯了也。”"I have [already] eaten."
In the next example co-occurring together with za3o 早 'already' which can function synonymous to yi3 已 in vernacular texts:
1166) ZTJ 1.173; WU: 105
雲嵒問：Yu2nya2n asked:
“一句子如何言說?”"How about expounding one sentence with words?"
師曰：The master said:
“非言說。”"There are no words to expound (express) [it]."
道吾曰：Da4owu2 said:
“早說了也。”"I have already expounded (expressed) [it]."...]MONASTERIES: 光宅寺 (p.607, fn.1758)MONASTERIES: 招慶寺 (p.14, fn. 81)MONASTERIES: 建初寺 (p.577, fn.1590)[陵 and was established by Ka1ng Se1nghui4 in the Three Kingdoms period. It is regarded as first Buddhist monastery in China....]MONASTIC OFFICER: 殿主 (p.796, fn. 2955)[tery (see also zhi1dia4n 知殿 and dia4nsi1 殿司). The duties of this job are usually centered around the Buddha-hall (fo2-dia3n). He is responsible for the following duties: to regularily sweep the hall, see to it that it is supplied with flowers, candles, and incense; he also participates in ceremonies performed in the Buddha-hall. The duties of the zhi1dia4n are already described in the Cha2nyua4n qi1nggui1 禪苑清規 (T.48: 1131a), traditionally attributed to Ba3izha4ng 百丈). See also FOGUANG: 3464b and 5504b.
In modern Zen monasteries the position of this monk seems to be relatively high in the monastic hirarchy and also includes the reception of guests and administrative work....]MONK: 沙門 (p.701. fn. 2367)[ed his head and renounced secular life. In Buddhist texts referring to Buddhist monks....]MOUNTAINS: 嵩山 (p.594, fn. 1687)[n the north of the De1ngfe1ng 登封 district. Other names for the mountain are Zho1ngyue4 中嶽, Mt. So1ngga1o 嵩高, Mt. Cho2ng 崇. Mt. So1ng is one of the five famous mountains (wu3-yue4 五嶽) in China. The two main peaks of Mt. So1ng are Mt. Ta4ishi4 太室 (east) and Mt. Xia3oshi4 小室 (west). The mountain was originally associated with Daoism and many hermits resided on it. Mt. Sha3oshi4 became later known for the Sha4oli2n 少林 monastery which was originally built in 496 for the Indian meditation specialist Ba2tuo2 跋陀 (or: Fo2tuo2 佛陀, the teacher of the famous monk Se1ngcho2u 僧稠 who had considerable influence on the formation of the early Cha2n school). According to Cha2n historiography the First Patriarch Bodhidharma resided in the monastery from ca. 520-528. The monastery became also a center of the 'Northern' Cha2n school in the early period of the Tang dynasty. Several more monasteries were built on the mountain, the Fa3wa2ng 法王 monastery, the Hui4sha4n 會善 monastery, and the Yo3ngta4i 永泰 monastery (Foguang: 5441c-5442c; Anderl 1995: 12, fn.31)....]RECORD: 行狀 (p.9-10)[ SANGUOZHI, in the section on the state of We4i 魏: 先賢行壯 "Records of the deeds of former virtuous men". There is also mention of the term in JINSHU, fasc. 18 (功臣行壯 "Records of meritorious ministers").
In the Buddhist context the term appeared for the first time in XINTANGSHU, fasc. 59 (辛崇之僧伽行壯) and in GUANGHONGMINGJI, fasc. 23. There are also several xi2ngzhua4ng in vol. 50 of the TAISHOO.
In ZTJ (F: 5) the term seems to refer to basic biographic information, such as the canonical name, the family name, the place of birth, important locations of the teaching career, etc....]RESULT: 卻 (p.258-259)[ are:
fa4ng 放 'to release; let go', qi4 棄 'throw away', she3 捨 'remove'; shi1 失 'loose'; sha1o 燒 'burn'; li2 離 'to seperate; leave'; tuo1 脫 'to remove'; bo1 剝 'to peel'; ma2i 埋 'to bury'; chu2 除 'eliminate; get rid of'; hua4i 壞 'to destroy'; pa1o 拋 'to throw away; abandon'; chi1 喫 'to eat; drink'; tu3 吐 'to spit; vomit'; zhuo2 斫 'to chop off; cut'; hui4 諱 'to avoid'; wu1 污 'to stain; to defile'; ya3 啞 'to mute'; xia1 瞎 'to blind'; gua1n 關 'to shut; to lock'.
Most of the verbs belong to the semantic field V{remove} and que4 indicates that this removal is performed to its full, often resulting in the permanent removal, seperation from, or even destruction of the object. Often que4 also adds the notion that the object involved is beyond repair, i.e. the damaging affect on the object is permanent and not reversible.
546) ZTJ 5.111; WU: 437
“某甲自住此山，"Since I have lived on this mountain
未曾瞎卻一師僧眼。”I have never blinded the eyes of (i.e. deceived) a single monk."
547) ZTJ 5.104; WU: 431
“早是污卻也。”"It has already been defiled."
548) ZTJ 5.058; WU: 403
“除卻這個色，"After having removed this form,
還更有色也無？”is there an additional form?"
This is one of the rare examples where que4 follows a disyllabic verb (fa1-qia3n 發遣 'send away'):
549) ZTJ 5.061; WU: 404
行者隨童子到五祖處，The Postulant followed the child to the place of the Fifth Patriarch
五祖發遣卻童子後，and after the Fifth Patriarch had sent away the child
遂改盧行者名為慧能，he then changed the name of Postulant Lu2 to Hui4ne2ng,
授與衣缽，and bestowed the monk's robe and bowl [on him],
傳為六祖。giving him the transmission as Sixth Patriarch....]RESULT: 取 (p.257-258)[processes (especially 'to realize; get to know', e.g. 會，覺，識，了，驗，體，記，看) and speech acts (e.g. 道，說，問). Other verbs include 擬 'to imitate', 行 'to practice', 覓 'to search for', 揀 'to choose', 試 'to try', 移 'to move'.
The meaning as complement is probably connected to the meaning as main verb 'to grasp' and by extension 'to perform an action fully'. Many verbs qu3 appears together with can be interpreted as process verbs, e.g. describing a mental process. Qu3 indicates that the process should be completed so that a desired result can be achieved. It is no coincidence that qu3 often appears in sentences including modal verbs indicating obligation, and other modal markers such as sentence final 去.
I think that qu3 does not primarily indicate a result but a 'desired result' and as such differs from suffix 卻....]RITUAL: 威儀 (p.662)[The term is pre-Buddhist in origin.]SHOULD: 當 (p.411-412)[riate'. As modal verb da1ng expresses deontic modality (obligation) and epistemic modality (necessity). However, the original meaning of the verb often has not completely faded away in the usage as modal verb ('be appropriate to V').
Da1ng cannot only express that an action should be performed by the agent but it can also indicate that an action is BOUND TO HAPPEN. Thus the modal verb indicates that an action or state will certainly take place or be achieved in the future ('BE BOUND TO'). In this funtion, the modal verb is typically used in PREDICTIONS in ZTJ. Note that modal verb 須 does not have this function....]SHOULD: 須 (p.412-416)[y examples date from EMC times. In ZTJ it is frequently used as modal verb expressing obligation (deontic modality), expressing recommendations and exhortations. There is often a strong notion of obligation and the modal verb is often modified by an intensifier: "you really should...". The obligation is often defined by 'moral' standards in concrete social or/and institutional...]SUFFIX: 家 (p.164,177,206)SUFFIX: 兒 (p.141-145)SUFFIX: 子 (p.145-155)[eady undergone a long process of grammaticalization and was already very commonly used at the time of the composition of ZTJ. As is the case of e2r, the original meaning of zi3 is child. According to Dragunov the main function of suffix zi3 in Modern Mandarin is that of a morphological indicator of an independent and concrete unit whereas e2r often indicates a unit which is a dependant of, derived from or a subcategory of another unit. However, a study of the two suffixes in ZTJ shows that this contrasting function must have developed at a much later date since at the end of the Tang period suffix zi3 was already the most pervasive of all suffixes whereas e2r was just at the beginning of its grammaticalization process as suffix. This division between the funcional realms of these two suffixes probably took place in the late Song and especially Yuan period when suffix e2r became very common in vernacular texts produced in Northern China.
According to Sun Xixin 子 did not grammaticalize directly from the word child but from the honorific appellation zi3 (as in fu1-zi3 夫子, ju1n-zi3 君子, Ko3ngzi3 孔子, La3ozi3 老子); zi3 could also be attached to regular nouns with human reference as in qi1-zi3 妻子 (SHI), na2n-zi3 男子 (SHI). From early times onwards N + zi3 could also indicate a person performing a certain action or profession as in zho1u-zi3 舟子 'boat-person > ferry-man' (SHI), chu4-zi3 處子 (ZHUANG), yu2-zi3 漁子 'fish-person > fisherman' yo2u-zi3 游子 'wander-person > wanderer, traveller' (SHIJI). From AC times onwards zi3 could also refer to small, round things as in shi3-zi3 石子 'pebble; rock' mo2u-zi3 眸子 'pupil' (MENG). In the above examples Sun does not regard zi3 as suffix but as a full word. He thinks that zi3 clearly appeared as suffix during the late Han when it was attached to animal and plant names, e.g. shi1-zi3 師子 'lion' (HANSHU); dou4-zi3 豆子 'bean' (Six Dynasties period). From the late Han, Six Dynasties periods onwards, zi3 began also to be suffixed to things (concrete nouns) as in fa2ng-zi3 房子 (HANSHU), ji1n-zi3 金子 'gold' ma4o-zi3 帽子 'cap'; ri4-zi3 日子 'sun' (NANSHI)....]TEACHER: 國師 (p.588, fn. 1644)[meritorious monks bestowed by the Emperor (rarely it specifically refers to a monk's office). The term dates back to the Northern Qi (550-577) and was for the first time bestowed on the monk Fa3cha2ng 法常 by Emperor We2nxua1n 文宣 in 550 because of his merits in lecturing on the NIRVANA (see Fo2-zu3 to3ng-ji4 佛祖統紀). Around the same time also the monk Fa3sha4ng 法上 who had the office of managing nationwide monastic affairs received this honorary title. There is also some early reference to the term during the Northern Zhou (557-581). Although this is the first appearance of this term in the Chinese context, there are also some references in suutra texts, i.e. 'National Maste' probably was an appellation already used in India and Central Asia (see YANG WEIZHONG 2001: 100). During the Tang the term continued to be used as an honorific appellation for especially meritorious monks. This appellation was not restricted to monks of a certain school; however, the title was given only on rare occasions. In the Cha2n/Zen School the first monk who received this title was She2nxiu4 神秀 who had close contacts to Empress Wu3 武 and to the succeeding emperors Zho1ngzo1ng 中宗, Rui4zo1ng 睿宗 and Xua2nzo1ng 玄宗. The next was Hui4a1n 慧安 who was given the appellation 'National Master La3oa1n 老安', afterwards followed Hui4zho1ng 慧忠 (Na2nya2ng guo2-shi1 南陽國師) and Zhi1xua2n 知玄 who was revered as 'National Master Wu4da2 悟達' (on guo2-shi1 from schools other than the Cha2n school see ibid.: 101). During the Five Dynasties the practice of bestowing this title was continued in some of the small states in the south. On the bestowment of this title after the Song see ibid.: 101-105....]THINK: 心行 (p.612, fn.1790)THIRD PERSON PRONOUNS: 他 (p.175-177)[igin of this third person pronoun: others (unspecified reference) > he/she/it (specified reference). Some scholars (e.g. Lv Shuxiang cited examples of the pronoun already in the BAIYUJING (汝彼愚人，被他打頭，不知避去，乃至傷破，反謂他痴), but these early examples are problematic. Guo Hong 1998: 398 thinks that it already resembles a pronoun in BAIYUING but that it still can be analyzed as having unspecified reference.
Another often cited source is a text from the Wei period, Xia4oli2n 笑林: 甲與乙鬥爭，甲嚙下乙鼻。官吏欲斷之，甲稱乙自嚙落。吏曰：“夫人鼻高耳（而）口低，豈能就嚙之乎？”甲曰：“他踏床子就嚙之。) but it was pointed out that in this early example the interpretation 'others' is still possible (GUO HONG 1998: 398)
Another often cited early source is SOUSHENJI, fasc. 3: 顏依言而往，果見二人圍棋。顏置脯斟酒於前。其人貪戲，但飲酒食脯，不顧。數巡，北邊坐者忽見顏在，叱曰：“何故在此？”顏唯拜之。南邊坐者語曰：“適來飲他酒脯，寧無情乎？It was pointed out that also here the interpretation is not quite clear and that the passage might have even been interpolated during the Tang (Guo Hong 1998: 399; Jiang Shaoyu 1994; Jiang Lansheng 1987).
Now it is usually agreed upon that ta1 was not commonly used as third person pronoun before the early Tang period (Tang poetry).
On early examples see ZHOU FAGAO 1965(PRONOUNS): 115-117 (Yuefu, Tang poems).
On early examples of non-human reference see Feng Chuntian 2000: 50-51. During the Song 他 could also be written 它 when indicating non-human reference. 佗 was another way of writing 他.
In ZTJ the pronoun 他 is very frequently used (F: ca. 200), object position: 141 (including pivot position), subject position: 48; adnominal position: 14. In the meaning 'other' 他 appears ca. 140 times....]TRY: 看 (p.500-503)[f sentence final ha3o, I do not regard ka4n as fully grammaticalized. By contrast to the most of the other sentence finals, ka4n derives from a full verb: 'to look > to look and see what happens1344 > to try out'. The usage as sentence final originated during the Six Dynasties period but examples prior to the Tang/Five Dynasties periods are very scarce.1345
In Bianwen there are six examples of sentence final ka4n1346 and Song Yinsheng counts 38 examples in ZTJ. 37 of the examples appear in imperative sentences/requests and ka4n indicates that the speaker wants the addressee to try to perform a certain action. 35 of the verbs co-occurring with ka4n are monosyllabic and there are 3 example where ka4n appears with disyllabic verbs.1347 In Bianwen all verbs occurring with ka4n convey a speech act. However, in ZTJ some of the verbs belong to other semantic categories. In Bianwen all occurrences of SF ka4n are in imperative sentences whereas in ZTJ there are also a few examples where the person who is trying out an action is the speaker himself. Song Yinsheng interpretes these data that there was a development of this function of ka4n inbetween the period of Bianwen and ZTJ. After the Song the usage of sentence final ka4n became even more frequent. However, the function and usage of ka4n in these early texts does not seem to be identical with its usage in Modern Mandarin.
Ka4n is most frequent with verbs expressing an act of speech (V{speak} +... + ka4n 看):
1203) ZTJ 5.142,08; WU: 453
“某甲有一句子， "I have a phrase,
不借諸聖口。” which does not borrow from the the words of the sages."
師云： The master said:
“汝試道看。”
ru3 shi4 da4o ka4n
NPRO2SG/VTVtry to/speak/SF.ATTEMPT
"Try to tell [me this sentence]!"
洞山云： Do4ngsha1n said:
“不是某甲，” "It is not me."
1204) ZTJ 5.096; WU: 426
其僧云： The monk said:
“問佛法不相當， "Asking for the Buddha-dharma is not appropriate,
所以卻歸來。” therefore I will return."
雪峰云： Xue3fe1ng said:
“你舉看。”
ni3 ju3 ka4n
NPRO1SG/bring up > cite orally/SF.ATTEMPT
"Try to bring up (i.e. cite a case for discussion)."
Ka4n with other action verbs (V +... + ka4n 看):
zhuo2 啄 (VT) +... + ka4n 看 (SF.ATTEMPT) 'try to peck'
1205) ZTJ 4.133; WU: 364
“這個老漢行腳時， "At the time when I, this old fellow here, was practicing as itinerant monk
或遇著草根下有個老漢， I happened to meet an old fellow (i.e. myself) below the grass root, [?]
便從頂o上啄一下錐看。”
bia4n co2ng di3ng-ning sha4ng zhuo2 yi1 xia4 zhui1 ka4n
then I tried to peck him once with an awl on his front head."
che2ng 呈 (VT) +... + ka4n 看 (SF.ATTEMPT): 'try to present (to a superior)'
1206) ZTJ 4.090; WU: 339
師曰： The master said:
“還將得此珠來也無？” "Did you bring this pearl along?"
對云： [The student] answered:
“將得來。” "I brough [it] along."
師云： The master said:
“若將得來， "If you brought it along
則呈似老僧看。”
ze2 che2ng si4 la3o se1ng ka4n
then/present/PREP.OBJ.INDIR/NPRO1SG.SEMIold monk/SF.ATTEMPT
then try to present it to me."
In the example below the attempt is marked by shi4 試 (VTV) 'try to VERB' and sentence final ka4n 看 (multiple marking):
shi4 試 (VTVtry to) + VP +... + ka4n 看 (SF.ATTEMPT):
1207) ZTJ 4.084; WU: 334
僧問： The monk asked:
“何物大於天地？” "Which being (or: thing) is greater than heaven?
師云： The master said:
“無人識得伊。” "Nobody can know him (it)."
僧云： The monk said:
“還可彫啄也無？” "Can it be carved?"
師云： The master said:
“你試下手看。”
ni3 shi4 xia4 sho3u ka4n
NPRO2SG/VTVtry to/lower-hand>set about/SF.ATTEMPT
"Try to set about."1348
fe1n 分 (VT) +... + ka4n 看 (SF.ATTEMPT): 'to divide; to make a distinction':
1208) ZTJ 4.026; WU: 300
師云： The master said:
“你試分看。”
ni3 shi4 fe1n ka4n
NPRO2SG/VTVtry to/devide/SF.ATTEMPT
"Try to make a division."
In the following example ka4n appears with a verb of perception, V{perceive}.
ti1ng 聽 (VT) +... + ka4n 看 (SF.ATTEMPT) 'try to listen to':
1209) ZTJ 4.019; WU: 295
“本自圓成， "The original self is perfect
凝然湛寂。 congealed in tranquility.
和尚對聖人， When you, Preceptor, are confronted with a sage,
說個甚摩事？” what matter would you tell [him]?"
師云： The master said:
“汝更聽看。” "Try to listen to it further."
dua4n 斷 (VT) +... + ka4n 看 (SF.ATTEMPT) 'try to cut in half; to seperate'
1210) ZTJ 3.103; WU: 256
學曰： The student said:
“人王與法王， "The king of men and the king of the dharma,
相去幾何？” how far are they apart from each other (i.e. what is the difference between them)?"
師云： The master said:
“汝自斷看。” "Try yourself to divide [them]."
進云： [The student] added:
“學人斷不得。 "I cannot divide them.
卻請和尚斷。” However, I ask you to divide [them]."...]UNIVERSE: 三千大千世界 (p.446-447)[大千世界 does not mean '3,000 great universes' but a great universe consisting of 1,000 times 1,000 times 1,000 (1,0003=1,000,000,000) small universes. One small universe (xia3o shi4-jie4 小世界 or ta4i-ya2ng-xi4 太陽系 'sun-system') consists of Mt. Sumeru (Xu1mi2 須彌) and its sourrounding four continents with its five mountains and eight oceans. This world includes a sun, a moon, Mt. Sumeru and several kinds of heavens. Thousand such small universes are called a small world-system (small chiliocosm; xia3o-qia1n-shi4-jie4 小千世界 small/thousand/world-territory). One thousand of these small world-systems form a medium world-system (medium chiliocosm; zho1ng-qia1n-shi4-jie4 中千世界 middle/thousand/world-territory). Thousand medium world-systems finally form a great world-system (great chiliocosm da4-qia1n shi4-jie4 大千世界 great/thousand/ world-territory). One of these great world-systems is the teaching-territory of one Buddha.
Thus, sa1n qia1n da4 qia1n shi4-jie4 三千大千世界 means: 'three-thousand/great-thousand/world-boundary > a world-system of the 'great-thousand' kind which consists of 1,000 times 1,000 times 1,000 [small worlds]'. Strictly speaking, sa1n 三 is a preposed exponent to qia1n (10003).
Sa1n-qia1n da4-qia1n shi4-jie4 is often abbreviated to sa1n-qia1n shi4-jie4 三千世界 'three-thousand/world-boundary > great world-system'....]WHAT: 何物 (p.201-202)[ng' (see e.g. GUAN). However, by the time of the Six Dynaties period the two words seem to have already merged into one compound. As in the case of he2shi4 何事 this is evidenced by its adnominal usage where the translation 'what thing' is not possible. In ZTJ he2wu4 is not used adnominally and in several instances the translation 'what thing' is preferable. However, in most instances he2wu4 substitutes abstract nouns.
Early examples can be found in SHISHUO and SUISHU. (牛屋下是何物人).
In BIANWEN the graphical form is 何勿....]WHERE: 何處 (p.197-198)[bstitutes locations. Typically, it is used in object position but occasionally the pronoun is also preposed to the verb. Rarely, it also appears in adnominal position (何處人 'a person from where').
Early examples of he2chu4 can be found in HANSHU (e.g. HANSHU: 1917: 王何處？'Where is the king?'), however, examples are quite rare.
The compound seems to have been more common in certain suutra translations, e.g. MIDDLE AGAMA (F: 46).
In SHISHUO (F: 9) it typically appears in preverbal position (迷不知何處去。 "In confusion/having got lost, he did not know where to go", SHISHUO 30.7).
In object position: 金錢今在何處？"Where is the money now?" (BAIYUJING: 103)....]WHO: 阿誰 (p.126, 128, 209-210)[rogative pronoun is frequently used in the dialogues of ZTJ....]WHY: 何意 (p.204-205)[re is only one example for the meaning 'why'. In the other occurrences he2yi4 is used in its literary meaning 'have what meaning'.
It is possibly a graphic variant of 何以....]WITH: 將 (p.281, 308-309)[ grammaticalized from the meaning 'to graph' as main verb.
The usage as instrumental coverb appeared during the Han; there are ca. 60 examples of this usage in ZTJ....]YOU: 檀越 (p.188)[ing a lay-supporter of Buddhism. Typically, the address is directed towards persons of often considerable influence and wealth (e.g. the emperor) who actively support the monasteries with money or material goods....]YOU: 闍梨 (p.187)[rrences in ZTJ. It is actually not clear whether it should be regarded as honorific semi-pronoun since it is usually used by the master when addressing a disciple, often in a mocking or even derogatory tone....]ZEN MONKS: 淨修 (p.13-15)[元 monastery the Qia1nfo2 千佛 temple (yua4n 院) and invited She3ngde1ng 省人＋登 to reside there as abbot. She3ngde1ng filled this position for a period of approximately ten years before he moved to the Zha1oqi4ng 招慶monastery. Because of his long stay at the Ka1iyua2n monastery he was sometimes referred to as Ba2ilia2n 白蓮 ('White Lotus') or Qia1nfo2 千佛 ('Thousand Buddhas'). Among the Du1nhua2ng manuscripts preserved at the library of London (Stein collection), the eulogy Qua2nzho1u Qia1nfo2 xia1n zhuo2 zhu1 zu3-shi1 so4ng 泉州千佛新著諸祖師頌 (QUANZHOU QIANFO)62 was discovered, a text which She3ngde1ng probably wrote during the time he spent at the Qia1nfo2 monastery.
The Zha1oqi4ng monastery dates back to the mid-Tang period. Wa2ng Ya2nbi1n renovated the monastery and installed Xue3fe1ng's 雪峰 disciple Hui4le2ng 慧棱 (854-932)63 as abbot in 906 A.D.64 Afterwards Hui4le2ng followed the invitation by the King of Mi2n, Wa2ng She3nzhi1 王審知,65 and moved to the Cha2ngqi4ng monastery. The abbot at this time was Da4o Kua1ng 道匡.66
In 944 A.D.67 She3ngde1ng was invited to move from the Ka1iyua2n monastery to the Zha1oqi4ng monastery and was given the honorary name Mi2ngjue2 明覺. Shortly afterwards the Zha1oqi4ng monastery was destroyed in warfare. Liu2 Co2ngxia4o, the laster ruler of the Southern Tang, donated a section of his estate and erected on it a monastery (Na2ncha2n 南禪 monastery) and installed She3ngde1ng as its abbot.68
He also bestowed the purple robe on him and gave him the appellation Cha2n master Ji4ngxiu1 淨修. At the beginning of the Song period, the ruler of the Southern Tang proclaimed himself subject to the State of Song. She3ngde1ng was also a popular Cha2n master during the early Song and eventually the court of Song gave him the honourary name Cha2n master Zhe1njue2 真覺. She3ngde1ng died in the fifth year of the ka1i-ba3o 開寶 era of the So4ng (972 A.D.). According to the Qua2n-zho1u Ka1iyua2n-si4 zhi4 泉州開元寺志 and the Wa4n li4 cho2ng-xiu1 Qua2n-zho1u fu2 zhi4 萬歷重修泉州府志, the three monks who served as abbots of the Zha1oqi4ng monastery were Hui4le2ng, Da4okua1ng and She3ngde1ng.
It is actually not clear what kind of relationship the two compilers of ZTJ had to She3ngde1ng (We2nde1ng), the author of the preface. According to Yanagida Seizan's opinion the two monks were direct disciples of She3ngde1ng. Yang Zengwen observes that She3ngde1ng refers to the two monks using the honorific term 'Cha2n Worthies' (Cha2n-de2 禪德), a term which is usually not used for one's own disciples. Possibly the two monks were not his direct disciples but rather Cha2n scholars living at the Zha1oqi4ng monastery.69
After each biographic entry on the seven Buddhas, the Indian and Chinese patriarchs, the masters Na2nyue4 Hua2ira4ng 南岳懷讓, Ji2zho1u Xi2ngzi1(si1) 吉州行司(思), Hui4zho1ng 惠忠, Shi2to2u Xi1yu4n 石頭希運, and Ma3zu3 Da4oyi1 馬祖道一, there are 'eulogies by Cha2n master Ji4ngxiu1' (Ji4ngxiu1 cha2n-shi1 za4n 淨修禪師贊) added, consisting of eight verses with four graphs each. As mentioned above Ji4ngxiu1 is the honorary appellation of She3ngde1ng. This verses have their origin in the above mentioned QUANZHOU QIANFO. In this work the verses are introduced by a short preface written by a monk called Hui4gua1n 慧觀.70
Two of the monks mentioned in QUANZHOU QIANFO, Na2nyue4 Ta4igo1ng 南岳泰公 and Le4pu3 樂浦,71 belong to the lineage of Shi2to2u 石頭. Xia1ngya2n 香岩 is a member of the lineage of Ma3zu3. Na2nyue4 Ta4igo1ng 南岳泰公 refers to Na2nyue4 Xua2nta4i 南嶽玄泰.72 He was the author of several gaathaas, songs, etc., for example the She1-sha1n ya2o 畬山謠 ('Ballad of Mt. She1') and some verses recorded in ZTJ.
Le4pu3 alias Luo4pu3 落浦 (834-898)73 was a disciple of Jia2sha1n 夾山.74 In ZTJ several poems are recorded, for example the She2n jia4n ge1 神劍歌75 ('Song about the Divine Sword'), and the Fu2-o4u ge1 浮漚歌76 ('Song on the Impermanence of Human Life').
Xia1ngya2n 香岩 (香嚴; ?-898)77 was a disciple of Gui1sha1n Li2ngyo4u 溈山靈祐 and also the author of a number of gaathaas.
All the above mentioned monks were known for their poetic expressions and She3ngde1ng's verses were probably influenced by the literary works of these people. The compilers of ZTJ attached the gaathaas recorded in QUANZHOU QIANFO after the biographic entries on the respective patriarchs and were also added to the biographies of a few masters.78
Besides the above mentioned gaathaas, the JDCDL in addition mentions She3ngde1ng as author of the following poems: Shi4-zhi2 zuo4-cha2n zhe3 示執坐禪者; Shi4 zuo4-cha2n fa1ng-bia4n 示坐禪方便.79
The Cha2n school was very concerned with the patriarchical lineage system and during the Late Tang/Five Dynasties periods the dharma lineages of Xue3fe1ng were flourishing in Fu2, Qua2n and Zha1ng provinces. Xue3fe1ng himself belongs to the lineage of Shi2to2u Xi1yu4n 石頭希遷, a lineage which was not very much in focus prior to the composition of ZTJ. This was probably the reason why the authors of ZTJ first record the biographies of 96 members of Shi2to2u's lineage and only afterwards give an acount of the lineage of the famous Jia1ngxi1 Ma3zu3 江西馬祖....]ZEN MONKS: 普寂 (p.588, fn. 1646)[So1ngyue4 嵩嶽 monastery at Mt. So1ng 嵩. There is a pagoda inscription by Li3yo1ng 李邕, Da4zha4o cha2n-shi1 ta3-mi2ng 大照禪師塔銘 (QTW, jua4n 262; cited in Tsuchiya/Koromogawa/Ogawa 2001: 129)....]ZEN MONKS: 道明 (p.588, fn. 1645)[in the biographic entry on Ho2ngre3n in ZTJ: after Hui4ne2ng received the dharma-robe and the bowl from Ho2ngre3n, a monk persued him to the Pamir, where he became enlightened and received the name Da4omi2ng from Hui4ne2ng. In JINGDECHUANDENGLU, fascile 4, he is identified as Yua2n-zho1u Me2ng-sha1n Da4omi2ng cha2n-shi1 袁州蒙山道明禪師. His original name was Hui4mi2ng 慧明 which was changed to Da4omi2ng since hui4 慧 appeared in the 'taboo-name' of Hui4ne2ng. According to Yanagida this person is the same as Fo2chua1n Hui4mi2ng 佛川慧明 (697-780) (YANAGIDA 1967; cited in TSUCHIYA/KOROMOGAWA/OGAWA 2001: 129)....]ZEN MONKS: 智嚴 (p.577, fn.1588)[amily name was Hua2 華. He was more than 40 years old when he became a monk. His first teacher was Cha2n master Ba3oyue4 寶月 from Shu1zho1u 舒州, Mt. Go1ng 公山. He studied all kinds of meditation techniques. At an advanced age he returned to Jia4nye4 建業. He settled in the city Shi2to2u 石頭城. It is said that he spent his time there cleaning the wounds and clothes of people afflicted with pestilence. He eventually died there. It is difficult to establish an actual historical link to Niu2tou2 牛頭....]ZEN MONKS: 鳥窠 (p.584)[s original family name was Da4oli2n 道林 (NPR) but he was also called To1ngxi2ng 通行 (NPR). In SGSZ there is a record of the monk Yua2nxiu1 圓修 (736-833) who was also called Nia3oke1 鳥窠 (SGSZ, T.50/2061: 774c18). He was a successor in the line of Ba3izha4ng 百杖 and does not have any connection to Da4oli2n. Da4oli2n derives his fame from a dialogue he had with the poet Ba2iju1yi4 白居易 (772-846) (see FENG ZUOMIN 1981, vol.2: 595).
According to JINGDECHUANDENGLU he was a person from Fu2ya2ng in Ha2ng province. His family name was Pa1n 潘. At the age of nine he renounced home and at the age of twenty-one he took the precepts in the Guo3yua4n 果願 monastery in Xing province. In the Xi1mi2ng 西明 monastery in Cha2ng'a1n he studied under Dharma-master Fu4li3 復禮 the AVATAMSAKA and the QIXINLUN. Later on he visited Cha2n master Ji4ngsha1n Guo2yi1 徑山國一 and became a successor in the lineage of Niu2to2u 牛頭. Afterwards he returned to the south.
JINGDECHUANDENGLU, T.51/2076: 230b3-7: 杭州鳥窠道林禪師。本郡富陽人也。姓潘氏。母朱氏夢日光入口。因而有娠。及誕異香滿室。遂名香光焉。九歲出家。二十一於v州果願寺受戒。後詣長安西明寺復禮法師。學華嚴經起信論。復禮示以真妄頌俾修禪那。
WUDENG: 杭州鳥窠道林禪師,本郡富陽人也.姓潘氏.母朱氏,夢日光入囗,因而有娠.及誕,異香滿室,遂名香光.九歲出家,二十一於荊州果願寺受戒.後詣長安西明寺復禮法師學華嚴經、起信論禮示以真妄頌,俾修禪那。
The name Nia3oke1 鳥窠 'Bird Burrow' derives from the following story which is recorded in JDCDL, T.51/2076:230b13-15: 'Afterwards he saw that there was a tall pine on Mt. Ta4iwa4ng. Its branches and leaves were luxuriant and covering [the tree] like a plate [?]. He then dwelled (lit. perched) on top [of the tree]. Therefore his comtemporaries called him Cha2n Master 'Bird Burrow' (後見秦望山有長松，枝葉繁茂盤屈如蓋。遂棲止其上。故時人謂之鳥窠禪師。).
According to a note in JINGDECHUANDENGLU: 53a his canonical name (shi4 諡) was Yua2nxiu1 圓修 (NPR) ('Perfected Cultivation'.
In SGSZ, T.50/2061: 774c9-28 there is a 'Record on Yua2nxiu1 of Mt. Ta4iwa4ng in Ha2ngzho1u of the Ta2ng' (唐杭州秦望山圓脩傳). Also in this biograhical entry there is a similar story on the background of his name being Nia3oke1 (見秦望山峻極之勢有長松枝繁結蓋。遂棲止于松巔。時感鵲復巢於橫枝。物我都忘。羽族馴狎。由玆不下近四十秋。每一太守到任。則就瞻仰。號鳥窠禪師焉。). However the remaining biographic information on this monk differs from the entries in ZTJ and JDCDL (according to SGSZ this monk lived from 735-833, took his precepts in the So1ngya2ng Hui4sha4n 嵩陽會善 monastery and was a dharma-heir of Ba3izha4ng Hua2iha3i 百丈懷海). It is therefore doubtful whether the two monks are identical or not (possibly the biograhical data of two monks were mixed up). See Matsubara/Koromogawa/Ogawa 2002: 61-61 and Ui 1935, vol.2: 362)....]ZEN MONKS: 鶴林 (p.580, fn. 1604)[onical name was 玄素 and not 馬素. His family name was 馬. He lived in the He4li2n monastery in the capital and his name derives from this fact.
He died at the age of 85....]ZEN MONKS: 先徑山 (p.582, fn. 1614)[name was Zhu1株. He was a man from 吳都崑山. The pagaoda inscription was produced by Li3 Ji2fu1 李吉甫: 杭州經山寺大覺禪師碑銘 (QTW, fascicle 512). There is also an inscription by Wa2ng Ya2n 王顏:唐徑山大覺禪師碑 (lost) and Cui1 Yua2nha4n 崔元翰/Ya2ng Shi4e4 羊士諤: Ta2ng Ji4ngsha1n Da4jue2 cha2n-shi1 yi3ng-ta2ng be1i 唐徑山大覺禪師影堂碑 (included in Ba3o-ke4 co2ng-bia1n 寶刻叢編). See SUN CHANGWU: 3....]ZEN PATRIARCHS: 曹溪 (p.605, fn. 1738)[ituated in the southeast of today's Qu3jia1ng 曲江 district, Guangdong province. In 502 the Indian monk Zhi4ya4o 智藥 constructed a monastery at the mouth of the river and called it Ba3oli2n 寶林 monastery. Around the year 677 the monk Hui4ne2ng and retrospective 'Sixth Patriarch' of the Cha2n School settled at this monastery. The place of his teaching activities was usually referred to as Mt. Ca2oxi1 曹溪 or Mt. Do4ng 洞. As in the case of many other monks, the name of the mountain/monastery of his main teaching activities became one of the names referring to the person himself....]